This is a column on the happennings in Karnataka, with particular reference to current affairs bringing to bear more than four decade old experience in covering the current affairs in Karnataka.

Wednesday, September 26, 2012


Dilemma more for voters than for political parties?
HUBLI, Sept, 26rd 2012

            Karnataka has been virtually on an election mood, ever since the tornado  Yeddyurappa, his misdeeds and political tantrums hit the political scene for more than a year ago  making it  almost  impossible for any successor governments of the BJP survive. But the party has gamely pulled on, notwithstanding the total collapse of the administration. The day of reckoning dreaded by   the political parties is drawing near at last.
            Now the  question that is being discussed all over has been what  the fresh poll in the state holds in store for the people  who are expecting a reasonably good government to carry on the affairs and the state of preparedness on the part of the voters, the political parties concerned.
            As for as the voters  as a class are concerned,  one third  of the electorate has been consistently staying away from poll with no efforts made either by the election authorities or the political parties to find out the reasons  and take steps to  minimise the  non-participation of the voters. This is despite the fact that electorate itself has increased  four crore mark, with the turn out in the poll going up from 211 lakhs in 1994 to 261 lakhs in 2008.
            The voters who showed a clear inclination for Congress in the initial period for more than two and half decades have  veered away  to become  more and more anti Congress in their political thinking. It has been happening since 1983 when the states first non Congress government was formed under the aegis of late Ramakrishna Hegde. In the six election held since then Congress has won only twice, while the non Congress outfits including the JD and BJP won four times, and that included two coalition governments, in one of which the Congress was a partner.
            A qualitative change occurred in the scenario in the post 2008 election period. It has been that for the first time in the history of the state, the Congress lost its primacy as the party which got the highest voters support, notwithstanding the its success or failure in the election. The BJP virtually galloped to nudge away the Congress from the pedestal with a slight edge over the latter.  A careful study of the voting pattern reveals that the Congress has not been able to receive a single extra vote since 1999 despite the increase in the voters and turnout in the polls. It has remained static since then.
            The voters appear to be highly politically polarised too, especially in the last two elections, with more than 90% of the polled votes being shared by the three parties, namely the Congress, the BJP and the JDS leaving other parties and independents far behind. Among the three parties, the Congress and the BJP lead, cornering 75% of the polled votes in 2008 and 63% in 2004 elections. The last of the triumvirate the JDS  stands far behind  in the race  making it clear its inability to vie for the top honours and making it  clear it has only play a subsidiary role and not a pivotal role in the state politics.
            The point at issue    for the 2013 elections would however be whether there will be any clear let up in the anti Congress mood of the electorate to the extent of putting the Congress in the saddle for the first time since 1999.
Indications at the moment are quite hazy and one can hardly hazard any guess on the mood of the voters, who have always played their cards close to their chest. Or would the voters throw away their hands in sheer disgust to allow a status quo of sorts continued to put back the state in the mould of the coalition government once again.
            As for as the run-up of the parties, and their preparations for the next hosting is concerned, the picture is quite dismal. None of the three parties have shown that they can be trusted to deliver goods. They have more negative than any positive points to offer.
            Take for example the ruling BJP. Its rise to political power is a recent phenomenon. It came into prominence after the decimation of the Janata Dal experiment of a rise of the third force in the state. As a matter of fact the BJP rose in power on the ashes of the united JD.   While the rump of the united JD namely the Devegowda led JDS  has not been able to regain the ground lost by the parent party, the BJP built its mansion, steadily galloping towards power in every election since 1999  to come to power on its own merit in 2008.
            Everything appeared set for a long reign of the BJP when Yeddyurappa assumed power as the first BJP Chief Minister of Karnataka in 2008. The opposition was in shambles and there was none to challenge his political hegemony either within the party or outside. The series of by-elections engineered by the BJP through operation Kamala, established his stature as the tallest political leader in Karnataka, who was assured of long political innings in the foreseeable future.
            But everything is in shambles today. The BJP has lost total credibility among the people. The saffron government of Karnataka, has proved to be worst ever government Karnataka had seen in its more than five and half decades of history. Its ministers and legislators are more interested in making hay rather than serving people to turn Karnataka into a cess pool of corruption of unprecedented dimensions.  From the way the skeletons of different dimensions on land denotification, illegal mining and its ilk are tumbling down the BJP cupboard, it looks as if the ministers of the government were only interested in lining their pockets rather than govern the state. Corruption is openly encouraged by government in myriad ways and the typical example has been the manner in which the government has deliberately made the Karnataka LOkayukta, the potent instrument for fighting corruption dysfunctional. Under one or the other pretexts it has kept the Lokayukta post vacant for nearly year stymeing its all activities.
            And all this has been brought about by one single man, Yeddyurappa, who went to  electorate in 2008 election with folded hands  imploring them to give “chance to BJP” to govern the state. The electorate would not have responded had they had any idea this was the type of government he wanted to provide.
            He has proved to be the wrecker in chief of the BJP. When he had no option but to quit in the light of the Karnataka Lokayukta report, he was hell bent on seeing that the successor governments led by his own chosen cronies namely Sadanand Gowda and Shettar also do not succeed,. He desired that he would run the state in their name, when Sadananda Gowda did not kowtow his line; he got him mercilessly removed and brought Shettar, who has proved to be a typical “His Masters Voice”. Even with a subservient Chief Ministers, Yeddyurappa has been behaving more like an opposition leader than a mentor to needle his own party government. He berates his own party government like nobody’s business
``          Two more aspects of the personality have come to light. One has been his penchant to keep his personal interest above the party and painting himself bigger than the party himself.  His lust for power.  He has absolutely no sense of remorse over mounting corruption.  He has gone to the extent of blackmailing his own party high command, which has steadfastly refused to given in to his tantrums. And the third has been the manner in which he has been playing the caste card in an unabashed manner and has outwitted the peer, Mr Devegowda, who has always loved to play Vokkalinga card to serve his political interest. In a way Yeddyurappa has gone a step ahead in practicing the craft.
            In the coming elections, the BJP in Karnataka faces a dilemma. It is totally divided house. From top to bottom, everybody has lost credibility. The party is damned if it gives to Yeddyurappa and is more damned if it does not. He is going to hurt the parties prospects either way if he in or out?  Only the extent of the damage likely to be caused needs to watched
            Can the Congress replace BJP as a ruling party in the coming hustings? The situation is ripe but the party is not. It has also been hit by crisis of leadership thoroughly.  It has at the state of level, bunch of politicians who call themselves as leaders but have no leadership qualities? They are all stuck by the crabs in the jar syndrome, where no crab would allow the other to go up. As an opposition party, it has failed totally. Barring issuing statements from Bangalore, its leaders have hardly done anything and on many occasions, have baled out the government of distress. A vigilant opposition could have put the BJP government on the mat and made things difficult for the ruling party. But the Congress has allowed the government to go scot free. While the ruling party legislators have been accused of turning their attention away when the state went through pangs of widespread drought, one of the worst in the recent years, the Congress men had also no time to think. If each of the legislators had led a public agitation in their own constituencies, the situation would have been different. But that did not happen.
            As explained earlier, the JDS is in capable of staging a comeback as a main line party because of its limited influence and its inability to carve out base outside especially in Northern Karnataka. It is destined to be subsidiary party.  It has like the other two has not bothered to articulate on the grievances of the people. The patriarch of the party Devegowda has no energy to lead the party. His son and heir apparent Kumaraswamy, has not been able to build himself up in the eyes of public. Kumaraswamy had emerged as a younger leader with promise when he headed by JDS BJP coalition. But the manner, in which he reneged on his promise to hand over the power as agreed upon to BJP, has cost him his credibility. He is under the mistaken impression that indulging in diatribe day and in day out would fetch him votes.
                                   Under the circumstances,  it is voters of Karnataka, who have a bigger dilemma  on the choice of the parties, rather than  the political parties in garnering support.
            The choice for the voters is really difficult.  They are required to choose between the BJP, which has proved to be totally incompetent and unscrupulous and the Congress, which is insipid dull and morose Between them is placed the JDS,  which is a political dwarf. It is difficult for the voters to suddenly give up the anti Congress stance and equally more difficult to embrace the Congress.
eom
           
            

Friday, July 27, 2012

BJP ushers in caste politics in Karnataka


Mathihalli Madan Mohan
Senior Journalist and Columnist
HUBLI 580 032 ( Mobile-94480-74872)





            HUBLI, 27th  July 2012
           
            :“ Welcome to Vidhana Soudha.
             If you are a Lingayat Press 1,
             If your are a Gowda , press 2,
            if you are a  Kuruba Press 3,
            if, you are a Idiga, Press 4,
            if  you are  a Dalit , Press 5,
             if you are a muslim, Press 6.
            if you are a Christian, press 7.
            If you are none of this, better disconnect and join the queue for Dharma Darshana of the Chief Minister and take your chance.
             Thanks for calling”.
            Don’t be surprised if you hear this message from Vidhana Soudha exchange in the days to come, as the process of political churning of polarization of caste politics, set in motion by the present BJP dispensation in Karnataka is taken to logical conclusion.
            At the moment it   remains confined to the internal struggle for power within BJP. It will not be a matter of surprise if other parties follow suit, to make Karnataka join the ranks of the peers in this political craft like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
            What is however special to Karnataka is that the process gets initiated by a national party like the BJP, while it has been corner stone of the policy of political aggrandizement by the regional parties elsewhere overtaking the main stream political parties like the Congress and BJP.
            The author of the historical process in Karnataka is none other than the disgruntled   B S Yeddyurappa  who is desperate to regain the political primary in Karnataka ever since he was forced to quit office in the wake of his indictment by the Karnataka Lokayukta in illegal mining and other scams. It has got an indirect endorsement by the party bosses in Newdelhi, who have been singularly helpless in curbing the political intransigence of the former Chief Minister., for the imperative necessity of keeping the first saffron government south of Vindhyas in office by hook or by crook.
            It was Yeddyurappa who started overtly a playing a Lingayat card of all the lingayat politicians who had occupied the post of the Chief Minister in the state. It has been a mystery as to whatever prompted Yeddyurappa at the pinnacle of his popularity as an outstanding mass leader had to play a Lingayat card to reduce him from the high pedestal of a mass leader to that of a leader of one single caste. He has lost more than anything gained. With his political career in the dumps as a consequence of his indictment by Lokayukta in illegal mining and other scams and the plethora of the cases pending in the courts, and the CBI making the matters worse by starting investigation in the illegal mining activities, Yeddyurappa finds himself in deep legal mess and consequents has a long period of compulsory waiting before he can hope to return to the active politics.
            Yeddyurappa all of a sudden started playing a lingayat card after he took over as the Chief Minister in 2008. He started portraying himself as the unquestioned political leader of the lingayats, the prominent community in Karnataka, which has a pan Karnataka presence, with Northern half of Karnataka being the sheet anchor of the support. Yeddyurappa started courting the religious heads among the community and was liberal in doling grants to the institutions managed by them.
            If the move was aimed at providing himself with a shield to fight his political battle, it obviously failed. The swamijis were in the forefront whenever his throne was in trouble due to internal problems within the party on occasions. But it was hardly of avail, since he could not prevent his ouster eleven months ago despite the campaigning done by the lingayat swamijis. As a matter of fact, the swamijis got their  reputation tarnished by the  manner in which they winked at the corruption  and went in vain to save a government steeped in corruption and of bunch of ministers neck deep in it merely because they happened to be lingayats.
            .           The interplay of the competitive nature of the caste politics currently underway was in full play during the formation of the third BJP ministry headed by the new Chief Minister Jagadish Shettar so that the top post remains with lingayats. The vokkaligas suddenly discovered that Sadananda Gowda, who was facing the heat, was a fellow vokkaliga and rallied round to his effort in a futile bid to stave off his ouster. Though vokkaligas could not save the chair of Sadananda Gowda, they gave enough hints that they are also a force to be reckoned with in Karnataka politics. It was not without significant, that the Devegowda Kumarasway duo which was vocal in the criticism of the Yeddyurappa government had suddenly grown soft during the Sadananda Gowdas eleven month regime. The transformation was attributed widely to the vokkalinga connection.
            The post of the Chief Minister having gone to a lingayat, the vokkaligas and the Kurubas, the two other powerful castes, insisted and succeeded in creating specially two posts of the Deputy Chief Ministers for the first time in Karnataka politics and went to Eswarappa (Kuruba), and R Ashok, (Vokkalinga). It is expected that the post of the party president, which may be vacated by Eswarappa on his induction into the cabinet, is likely to go to “others” category.
              To make the power sharing arrangement more authentic, both Easwarappa and R Ashok (Vokkaliga) were specifically sworn as the Deputy Chief Ministers, even though the Constitution does not recognize the office which is   a political office and not Constitutional position. Normally aspirants are sworn in as minister and later get designated as the Deputy Chief Ministers by the Chief Minister. Will this be a precedent for all the ministry making exercises in future remains to be seen.        . The pattern of the distribution of the portfolios has been done according to the same formula, with the powerful caste denominations walking away with plum portfolios while the insignificant groups have been forced to accept the minor and less important ones.
            Though many lingayats had adorned the office of the Chief Minister in Karnataka, none had portrayed themselves as the champions of the caste till Yeddyurappa came on the scene. Initially Yeddyurappa was not so but came up the ladder through hard and sustained organizational work, and by brandishing the caste card. The lingayat fixation was an attribute he acquired later on.
            In Karnataka, the lingayats dominate the northern half of the state, while their presence in the southern half is not that prominent .in terms of numbers. In the lingayat dominated northern part of the state,   the BJP with a lingayat at the hem of affairs could hardly develop any political moorings.
            The lingayats of the region, came to the BJP fold more by accident than design as the development show. As a matter of fact, there was no lingayat politician who could command the allegiance of the lingayats and emerge as their political voice. It was not any lingayat politician but a bramhin, late Ramakrishna Hegde, who amongst all commanded the respect and trust of the lingayats as a whole in general and in northern half of the state in particular.
            Hegde chose to deny himself what would have been a fresh lease of life for his political career when he resisted the pressure by his followers in the new political outfit the United Janata Dal to take over as the Chief Minister in place of J H Patel, who was reigning then.  This he did so because he did not want to hurt the lingayat sentiments.
            The BJPs continued drought of political support came as a byproduct of the electoral tie-up between the BJP and the JDU to fight the Congress in the nineties. Ramakrishna Hedges demise created a political vacuum and the BJP  and Yeddyurappa moved in to fill the  bill. And this is what enabled Yeddyurappa to claim as a  lingayat leader.
            This lingayat fixation and   narcisst tendencies   have contributed substantially to the precipitous fall of Yeddyurappa from political grace.
            When the BJP high command forced Yeddyurappa to quit in the light of the Lokayukta report, Yeddyurappa ego was badly hurt. He could not countenance his exit from power. Since then he has been ranting and raving for the restoration of his own political hegemony and has been bemoaning the loss of political primacy for the lingayats.
            He has only a single point formula. He should have the political power either by dejure or defacto manner. If he cannot get power on his own directly, he must enjoy it through proxy. This was the rationale behind his move to get his own nominee Sadananda Gowda installed as his successor eleven month. Gowda a low profile political functionary was  happened to be one his confidants and a safe bet to be trusted  unlike his another confidant Jagadish Shettar, a fellow lingayat, who had strayed away from the  his path. This he achieved after virtually brow beating the high command for the selection of successor through voting.
            But he got wary of Gowda soon, as the latter showed signs of moving independent of the orbit of Yeddyurappa.  Yeddyurappa himself launched a virulent campaign to bring down the man he had put in office sometime ago. He blackmailed the high command to have his way again. And this time Yeddyurappa chose to bring back Shettar once estranged, back into the fold to act as his proxy. In his overt zeal to get back the power, Yeddyurappa has introduced in Karnataka politics, the canker of caste politics, which is expected to change the political scenario altogether in the days to come.]
Eom 0930hrs. 27,07.2012


             
           

             
           
             
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Sunday, July 08, 2012

A high command which is not high?


Mathihalli Madan Mohan
Senior Journalist and Columnist
HUBLI 580 032 ( Mobile-94480-74872)


A high command which is not high?

            HUBLI, 08th July 2012

             The BJP high command is neither high nor has any command left.
            This stark truth emerges succinctly in the inept manner in which the BJP high command has been ineptly handling the dissidence in Karnataka BJP which is threatening the existence of the first saffron ministry south of Vindhyas.
            At a time party should have pulled up the socks in preparing itself to take on the scam tainted Congress in the forthcoming elections to the parliament couple of months away, the BJP has been presenting an inedible face, of a party, which is unable to manage its own internal crisis and has allowed the canker of dissidence to develop into a Frankenstein as it were.
            The younger generation of party leadership which has been in put in place with great flourish as a process of transition from the Vajpayee and Advani era, has proved to the hilt that the party can longer claim to be a party with difference but that it consists of men of clay, who have more faith in concept of political opportunism to the principled value based tactics. Even the patriarch L K Advani finds himself unable to step the developing and has allowed himself to be a passive spectator.
            Otherwise, how can one explain the strange phenomenon of the party compromising on party disciple and as a matter of fact appears to pamper it off and on.
The party leadership hardly moved when the group of three ministers comprising of the Reddy trio, open raised a banner of revolt demanding the change of leadership of the Yeddyurappa government and resorted to the politics of herding the supporting legislators to the resorts. The party chose to turn a blind eye to the indiscretion and instead worked overtime to bring about a compromise. And all those who had names to the leadership at the state level were allowed to get away, even without a warning.  The complaints about the style of working of the then Chief Minster Yeddyurappa were pushed under the carpet, by a leadership, which refused to take cognizance of the ground realities in Karnataka.
            The tantrums thrown up by the former Chief Minister Yeddyurappa, the latest case in the genre has been sum product of the laissez faire attitude of the national party in the matter of enforcing the party discipline.
            Ever since he was asked to step down in the light of indictment by the Lokayukta report on the illegal mining and plethora of land denotification cases, which have surfaced which resulted in his arrest Yeddyurappa has become a bug bear to the party s leadership.
            When he was asked to quit in the light of the scam report, Yeddyurappa demurred deliberately.  When he had to ultimately yield, he did  so in making it amply clear that it is his, rather than the party, which runs as for as Karnataka affairs is concerned.  He forced an election on the choice of his successor and defeated the nominee of the high command. Sadananda Gowda was his nominee for the post and Gowda defeated Jagadish Shettar, who had the backing of the high command.
            The high command had no problem with the new Chief Minister and as a matter of fact it was appreciative of the work being done by him in providing a   clean government and taking care to keep the family members at a distance unlike what had happened during his predecessors days.
            However Gowdas effort to run a government independent of his mentor angered Yeddyurappa like anything and he started an open campaign seeking his removal. But now the tables have turned and Yeddyurappa demanded the removal of the very man he had installed in office and wanted him to be replaced by Jagadish Shettar who in the meantime had been weaned into his camp. Initially high command was not willing to concede and promised number of times to beleaguered Sadananda Gowda that he was backed to the hilt by the high command.  But dropped him as a hot potato when  Yeddyurappa held out the threat of precipitating the crisis by making group of nine ministers belonging to his camp to resign enmasse. The high command became panicky and had to give in to the pressures tactics of Yeddyurappa.
             The crop of the present second generation leadership which is at the helms of affairs was the first to cave in to the dictates of Yeddyurappa and lobbed the ball in the court of the patriarch Advani before making the final announcement.
            Advani   had always stood for a firm stand against those who have been making open mockery of the party discipline. At one stage he was reportedly of the view that the party should go for fresh mandate in Karnataka instead succumbing to the pressures of the Yeddyurappa group.  But had no option to fall in line the light of the combined pressure of the younger group that it is important to save the party juncture at this stage instead of taking a risk of fresh poll. And Advani had to yield and going by the newspaper reports “with tears in his eyes”.  Even the “iron” in the “iron man” (Loh Purush) has started melting. And that is the tragedy of the BJP under the dispensation of younger generation, which is more interested in the power game than anything else.
            Eom 05.51 hours.  09.07.12

             
              

             
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Thursday, April 26, 2012


Mathihalli Madan Mohan,   Senior Journalist and  Columnist  
 Tel No. 0836- 2374872; Mobile: 94480-74872
                                                       
                                                         
Mishandling of drought

HUBLI, Apr  27th, 2012
           
            Drought has been an integral part of the life of Karnataka, with more than 70% of the area depending on rain fed agriculture, and the vagaries of the nature being what it is.
            Over the years as the track record of the state shows, Karnataka has been living with one or the other kind of natural calamities, and suffer from either the excess  or the shortfall of the rains, which has been affecting the agricultural production one way or the other.
            However this should not make us to jump to the conclusion that tryst with drought has helped the state to evolve an effective drought management system with a view to mitigating the sufferings of the people afflicted.   Far from it. Its policy continues to be tentative and adhoc even after years of grappling with the situation.
            The reaction of the government is the same whether it is flood or the drought.  The only difference between the two is the former comes unexpected while the latter is not. It comes with due warning and it cannot be faulted if those who are in charge of it fail to take cognisance of the developing situation. And what is wrought by the nature in case of drought is compounded by the man made failures and mishandling at different levels.  
            The state government continues to bumble every time it faces either of the natural calamities and the run up goes on the expected lines.  The flurry of activities starts only when furore is raised. The government tries to get into the act, with the Chief Minister talking to the officials, “giving strict instructions” on tackling the phenomenon, the ministers are despatched to the districts in a show of misplaced earnestness to “study the situation”. There is the usual talk of leading an all party delegation to the Centre seeking more funds for tackling the situation. And the party in power at the Centre is invariably accused of being unsympathetic and step motherly in it attitude towards Karnataka. The opposition brays for the blood of the ruling party. And the blame game fills the columns of the media.
            In Karnataka, it has been a practice to utilise drought situation to get more money from the Centre. It with this in view that the district administrations prepare the report which is wetted at the state government to paint an exaggerated picture of the problems faced. Quite aware of the propensities of the state governments in such a situation the Centre has also learnt the art of scaling down the claims. (That the yardsticks used by the Centre and the state in assessing the situation lacks uniformity, is another reason for the divergence in the assessment made by the two).
             And nobody bothers when once the money is released and works undertaken. What works are executed and what kind of relief was given to the affected remains in the realm of speculation, since nobody bothers  once the aim of getting assistance from the Cente is achieved.
            Incidentally, the Centre coming to the rescue of the state to tackle the natural calamities in the states, has undergone a see change over the years. Earlier the Central assistance used to come in favour of advance plan assistance, with the amount given being adjusted in the plan assistance given next year. This was later changed and led to the formation of the Calamity Relief Fund, with the state governments getting fixed share of assistance every year. In addition the Centre set up a Natural Calamity Contingency Fund, with sizeable corpus to meet the states needs. For purposes of better handling of the funds, the districts receive assistance from both the sources under a suitably single head from this year by the state government.
            What is happening at the moment in Karnataka where the State Government has officially stated that 121 of the 174 taluks are drought affected runs on familiar lines. And the matter is complicated by the callous negligence   on the part of state government, in keeping tab on the developing situation   casual manner in which the opposition failed to discharge its primary objective of keeping vigil on the activities of the government and plight of the people in distress.
            The problems faced in the affected taluks are essentially two fold – of, the scarcity of drinking water and of migration of people from the select taluks in search of work. Had somebody in the government been able to keep a tag, the government would not have been caught napping as it has been so now.
            The situation has its essential origin in  performanance in the rabi season. The deficiency in the rainfall has resulted in the agricultural workers being deprived of their quota of work, as a consequence of which they were forced to migrate to other districts in search of work and scarcity of fodder for the animals.  The government has started talking about them, at   a time, when the migrated workers are scheduled to return to take up the agricultural operations. And the unseasonal rains which are normal around the holi celebration has aggravated the drinking water.
            With the political busy in fighting for the chair, a comatose government had hardly any time to spare for the mundane issues like the failure of the rain, the migration of the workers and the increasing crisis developing on the drinking water front especially in the rural areas and not but not least the acute shortage of fodder for the cattle.
            The state government was unable to keep a vigil. But should it also fail to take cognisance of others who had studied the situation? This is the worst that has happened and highlights the lack of proper governance. A couple of months ago, a Central team happened to visit Karnataka for study and based on the symptoms of the developing situation, had reportedly recommended for an assistance of around Rs. 600 crores. The state did not bother to follow up the matter. Even to this day, it has been dillydallying on the matter of submitting a memorandum seeking further assistance. When the state government does show any seriousness, how cans one otherwise expect Karnataka’s MPs to act, who have acquired a dubious distinction of inaction in parliament.
            Besides another moot point is that there are enough avenues to meet the situation on its own without waiting for the Central governments assistance too. The twin needs of the present situation namely providing water and employment, besides the shortage of fodder come within the ambit of the rural development where enough funds are available.  But the government has not been doing this also.
            One cannot help but recall similar situation faced by the Urs government in seventies. The seniors recall how a team of three ministers coming of the Revenue, Rural Development and Finance jointly toured the districts conducted meeting and sorted out the problem of utilisation of the available funds.  But nothing of such coordinated work is taking place now and uncoordinated tours by the ministers singly or severally is certainly not going to bring about any qualitative relief to the affected people.  But the time the snail paced approach reaches fruition, the next monsoons will start rendering the whole exercise infructuous.
            If the ruling party has faltered, the opposition parties have not covered with any glory either in highlighting the problems. The opposition has to be blamed for the lackadaisical approach of the go, creating public opinion and forcing the government to tackle the situation effectively and meaningfully.
            In the eighties, when a serious drought had occurred in the state under the rule of Janata Dal, one active opposition MLC, ( Mr  H K Patil, who was on his first term as MLC) toured the districts, took the pressmen with him for on spot study of the situation and pointed out the gaps between what government professed and practiced. The sum total of the effort was that the Central Government took notice of the same and amended the drought policy to include for the first time the concept of the cattle camps at a the time of severe shortage of cattle with a view to effectively prevent distress sale of cattle. Not even one single Congress/JDS legislator is bothered in finding what is happening in their respective constituencies. The party of course is supremely oblivious to the developing situation dreaming of the prospects of being returned to power rather than worry about the plight of the people.
            Even the media, which should have taken a proactive line in moulding the public opinion is supine in its approach and has confined itself to doing the routine stories in a routine manner. Some of the placed in the district and really concerned about the developing situation find themselves helpless in the absence of credible information and limitations of travelling the interiors. The officials would not part with information, the legislators do not know what is happening in their own constituency. “We wish we had a legislator like H K Patil   to create awareness” rued a senior journalist of Northern Karnataka, who had just begun his career when H K Patil went on with his bold programme way back in eighties.
            This is how the situation remains in Karnataka.-a government and opposition in comatose condition, and media which has no time for the human sufferings. One can imagine what relief the people in distress can expect under circumstances.
Eom  10.27 hrs.  27.04.2012
             

           
           
             
             

Monday, March 26, 2012

An exercise that could not be savoured


An exercise which could not be savoured

HUBLI, Mar  24th, 2012
           
            D V Sadananda Gowda , who became Chief Minister  more by accident than design, was naturally all set to enjoy the thrill and excitement  of presenting  his maiden budget, as has been the wont with all the first timers handling the job. The Chief Minister handling the finance portfolio or the Finance Minister  look forward to the occasion, which gives them the opportunity to show their skills of mobilisng resources,  managing the funding and tread on the path of development to  meet the aspirations of the people, whose expectations are naturally high.
            But the circumstances conspired in such a way that  Gowda  could hardly savour  the occasion  which ended up as a nerve racking exercise indeed. Caught in quagmire of political intrigues,  and chicanery, even as the sword  of Damocles hanging over his head perilously, Gouda, whose days as the Chief Minister appear definitely numbered, was able to present budget itself has to be taken as an achievement of sorts.
            .Firstly his own mentor, the former  Chief Minister Yeddyurappa, who had catapulted Gowda to the gaddi seven months ago, turned out to be his worst adversary.   Yeddyurappa, who has been pressurising the party high command for his rehabilitation as the Chief Minister,  was found  virtually breathing down on his neck of the Chief Minister , in a bid to make him vacate the seat in his favour and thereby prevent  Gouda from presenting the budget.  Both of them said to be not even talking terms in the end.
            Secondly, Yeddyurappa and his camp followers including the prominent cabinet colleagues of Gowda,  would never miss the opportunity  to send out hints that it was not Gowda but Yeddyurappa who would ultimately present the budget, which is the last one, before the party went to the people for the renewal of the mandate.  And the manner in which Yeddyurappa herded his supporters to a resort on the outskirts of Bangalore, cast a shadow of boycott of the budget session by the ruling party members, a prospect, most embarrassing for any Chief Minister.
            What however could not be understand was  the shrillness with which Yeddyurappa insisted that he should have the opportunity to present the budget this time. After all whether Yeddyurappa presents  or Gowda does so, the budget presented would be that of the BJP government in Karnataka, with bouquets and brickbats whatever may be coming to the party government as a whole and  there is nothing personal in it. If Yeddyurappa had any apprehension that being new to power, Gowda would not be able to properly understand the nuance of budget making and budget preparation on the eve of the election, nothing prevented a senior leader like Yeddyurappa to guide his protégé properly on meeting aspirations people in preparing budget of his choice with a view to achieving the political  objectives.
            The budget crossing the milestone of Rs, one lakh crore  mark is indeed an achievement but it is not clear what special credit would come to him which he did not want to go to the Chief Minister and insisted that  he alone should have the  privilege of presenting the historic nature of the budget.  For crossing the mark, which can, for record purposes can be considered as a milestone, is a natural phenomenon in the present state of development and there is nothing of a personal achievement of any sorts for anybody.
             Thirdly   some of the cabinet colleagues of Chief Minister, - all camp followers of Yeddyurappa were more in interested in serving the cause of rehabilitation of Yeddyurappa rather than worry about the development needs of the state and aspirations of the people. What however made the matters worse was that till the last minute Gouda was not sure whether   he would be able to present the budget at all, a coveted achievement in a way for any new Chief Minister in office testing his political waters.
            Fourthly riven by the internecine quarrels and deep schism within its ranks, the party organisation was hardly in a position to give any political input in the preparation of the budget to the fledgling Chief Minister.
            What came however as a manna from heaven for the beleaguered Chief Minister and help him present the budget amidst the adversity was the unstinted support extended by the party high command which firmly stood by his stand that there was no change of leadership at this juncture and it was Gouda who would present the budget. Sheepishly, Yeddyurappa his crowd trouped back to the assembly from which they had stayed away to avoid any embarrassment being caused either to the Chief Minister or the party at the national level.
            Under the circumstances, the Chief Minister obviously had hardly any time to devote to the preparation of the budget and in mapping out the plan of development and in husbanding the resources.    In a way the budget is nothing but a bureaucratic exercise of cobbling up of figures. Care has been taken to take cognisance of the political necessity of keeping every one happy   in view of the impending fresh polls to the assembly , which may come any time in less than a year.
            The mantra therefore has been to please everyday and hurt none. As a consequence the government servants, who have to be kept happy and contented for any party to return to power, have got a bonanza of increased emoluments.  Though services of the residuary component of the daily wage workers could not be regularised as promised, all of them were assured of a hike to the tune of Rs. 1000 per month. which would the exchequer to the tune of Rs. 4500 crores. . The farm sector was given a sop in the form of interest free short term crop loans to the tune of Rest in the agricultural budget presented for the second time in succession. The Brihat Bangalore Maha Nagara Palike has got special attention for meeting the citizens felt needs while other urban agglomerations in Karnataka, have notnot got the needed attention.
             The policy  of Yeddyurappa government in showering the largesse on the religious institutions has been continued, the only change being the marked tilt towards the OBCs.. Perhaps  whoever have advised Gouda to take this step apparently have no idea of the  political history of Karnataka, where the OBCs are yet to emerge as one single political identity. Devaraj Urs who was the pioneer and the first man to shape the OBC segment into a political instrument  miserably failed, when the OBCs failed to rally round him when the testing time came  in the battle of ballots.
            And the casualty in the process has been the development in general and  of the infrastructure in particular. The increased allocations made  for several sectors have to be taken with a pinch of salt, since the BJP government in Karnataka has hardly shown any propensity in meeting the planned targets. And the year 2011-12 has been the worst in view of the internal turmoil within the BJP. The policy of government in ensuring the full utilisation of  water allocated in Krishna basin, the biggest of the two riverine systems of Karnataka, leaves much to be desired in the absence of anytime bound policy. Though the Second Krishna River Water Dispute Tribunal has  fixed the quota of water for utilisation, the state government is yet to come out with a time bound programme not only for the water left unutilised so far but of the extra allocation made  available by the Tribunal. There is hardly anything to revive the food  production, which has hit a stagnant pitch.

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Implications of Udupi poll result


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Journalist with standing of more than fifty years in the profession. Retired as the Special Correspondent of The HINDU and has become a columnist on current affairs, the panchayats and other allied subjects